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Žrtve ciprijske kuge

Žrtve ciprijske kuge


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Arhiva oznaka: Kuga ako Ciprijan

Između otprilike 250.-271. N. E., Niz smrtonosnih epidemija zahvatilo je Rimsko Carstvo-Egipat. Takozvana Ciprijanova kuga tvrdila je da je približno 25 posto onih koji su živjeli u Rimskom Carstvu, koje je u to vrijeme uključivalo i Egipat, samo u Rimu svaki dan umrlo čak 5000 žrtava.

Sveti Ciprijan, biskup u Kartagi (u Tunisu), opširno je pisao o užasnim posljedicama kuge na svoje žrtve i tvrdio da je bolest označila kraj svijeta. Godine Ciprijan je napisao detaljan opis napretka bolesti "Smrtni smrtnik":

"Crijeva, opuštena u stalnom protoku, iscrpljuju tjelesnu snagu vatre nastale u koštanoj srži fermentira u rane slavina (područje usta)." Cyprian je dodao da su crijeva "uzdrmana stalnim povraćanjem, oči su u plamenu od ubrizgane krvi", te da je u nekim slučajevima "stopala ili neki dijelovi udova uklonjen zarazom truleži".

Istraživači vjeruju da je bolest koju je opisao Ciprijan bila boginja koju uzrokuje Variola major ili minor viruse. Bolest postoji više od 10.000 godina. Kao na slici, žrtva je u početku prekrivena osipom koji postaje mjehurići ispunjeni tekućinom. Oko 20-65% ljudi koji su oboljeli od ove bolesti je umrlo, ali to je bilo posebno smrtonosno među djecom. Oni koji su preživjeli često su imali teške ožiljke - osobito na licu, bili su zaslijepljeni, a udovi su im se mogli deformirati.

Svjetska zdravstvena organizacija je 1967. godine identificirala čak petnaest milijuna žrtava godišnje, a dva milijuna je umrlo od te bolesti. Nakon kampanja cijepljenja tijekom dva stoljeća, boginje su iskorijenjene 1979. godine.


Ciprijanova kuga i ludilo kršćanske službe

Upravo sam završio s dvotjednim ljetnim kampom za 200 srednjoškolaca i srednjoškolaca u župi St. Gabriel's#8217s u McKinneyju. Bilo je to nevjerojatno vrijeme ispunjeno duhom. Kad smo se igrali, vodili smo ogromne borbe s hranom dok smo klanjali, plesali i urlali, a kad smo poslužili, znojili smo se. Bilo je to sve što bi ljetni kamp trebao biti i imamo slike koje to dokazuju.




Tijekom tjedna zamolili su me da govorim o usluzi, što, iskreno, nije moja omiljena stvar za razgovor. Nije mi najdraži predmet jer svi već misle da je posluživanje važno. To je kao da mama kaže svom četverogodišnjem djetetu da se zaprlja. Nema potrebe. Mislim da Katolička crkva u Americi doista voli služiti iz tog razloga – nitko se s time neće složiti. Kad se suoče s mogućnostima razgovora o čistoći, pokušaja navođenja djece da sudjeluju u bogoslužju ili izvođenja službenog projekta, potonje je uvijek put najmanjeg otpora. Djeca imaju radno vrijeme, roditelji se trebaju ponositi svojom djecom, ministri se osjećaju kao da smo služili kraljevstvu i svi pobjeđuju, zar ne?

Osim ako se nikome ne obrate srca. Onda nećemo pobijediti. Stoga sam, kao netko tko voli izazov, odlučio vidjeti koliko visoko možemo postaviti ljestvicu za kršćansko milosrđe. Prva crkva uvijek je radila stvari na teži način, pa sam mislio da bi to bilo dobro mjesto za početak. Istražio sam i pronašao priču o ciprijanskoj kugi u Rimu.

Ova pošast, za koju mnogi znanstvenici vjeruju da je bila boginja, bjesnila je od 250. do 280. godine. Na visini od#8217, u ovom članku CNN -a, autor piše da se procjenjuje da je na svojoj visini epidemija ubila 5.000 ljudi dnevno samo u gradu Rimu. Među njima su bila dva rimska cara: Hostilian i Claudius II Gothicus. ” Ciprijan piše u “O smrtnosti ” o učincima kuge na ljudsko tijelo: Crijeva se tresu uz neprestano povraćanje. Oči su u plamenu od zaražene krvi, pa u nekim slučajevima stopala ili neki dijelovi udova budu uklonjeni zarazom oboljelog truljenja. "

Autor članka CNN -a vjeruje da je ova pošast doprinijela rastu kršćanstva jer ništa vas ne tjera da brže pređete u religiju od suočavanja sa vlastitom smrtnošću. Za njega je kršćanstvo slučajno bilo na pravom mjestu u pravo vrijeme. Bilo koja druga religija doživjela bi isti rast. Rodney Stark, autor knjige Uspon kršćanstva, slaže se da je kršćanska vjera donijela pogled na zagrobni život koji je bio vrlo privlačan u tako nestabilno vrijeme. On piše da je, premda je kuga užasnula pagane, kršćani epidemiju dočekali samo kao školovanje i testiranje. ” Dakle, u vrijeme kada su sve druge vjere bile dovedene u pitanje, kršćanstvo je nudilo objašnjenje i utjehu. On nastavlja, međutim, reći da je i još važnije, [kršćansko] učenje, dalo kršćansku doktrinu recept za djelovanje. ” Ovo je dio gdje postaje jako, jako zanimljivo. On crpi iz Dionisa, iz prve ruke kršćanske zajednice, koji opisuje kako se kršćanska zajednica herojski transformirala u bataljun medicinskih sestara. “ Bez obzira na opasnost, preuzeli su brigu o bolesnicima, pobrinuli se za svaku njihovu potrebu i služili im u Kristu, a s njima su otišli iz ovog života spokojno sretni jer su ih drugi zarazili bolešću, crpeći na sebe bolest svojih susjeda i veselo prihvaćajući njihove boli, ” objašnjava.

Tako, prijatelji moji, izgleda kršćanska služba. Kršćanska služba nije nešto što radite u slobodno vrijeme. Kršćanska služba radikalna je predanost da svoj život položite za bližnjega. Stark dalje procjenjuje da je u zajednicama bez jake kršćanske njege 30% stanovništva umrlo od kuge. Nasuprot tome, zajednice s snažna kršćanska prisutnost, samo je 10% umrlo od kuge. U Rimu, kada je 5.000 ljudi umiralo svaki dan, to je razlika od 1.500 u odnosu na 500. Tih 1000 života spasilo je DAN. Što mislite, koliko je od tih preživjelih moglo preći na kršćanstvo? VJEROVATNO MNOGO.
Ja ’m uzimam tri boda iz ovoga što sam htio prenijeti svojoj djeci.

Volonteri daju svoje slobodno vrijeme. Kršćani cijeli svoj život predaju služenju.

Volonteri služe utjecaju na fizički svijet, kršćani služe utjecaju na duhovni svijet. Služimo kako bismo Kristovu ljubav učinili poznatom na način na koji je on ljubio nas.

Mi smo vojska i imamo neprijatelja. Nama je dato da učinimo da zemlja što više liči na Nebo. Kad molimo Gospodinovu molitvu, govorimo sljedeće toliko često da ponekad možemo zaboraviti što govorimo i za što se zaista molimo: “ Bit će učinjeno, na zemlji kao što je na nebu. ” Na nebu nema bolesti. Nema očaja, nema siromaštva. To su naši neprijatelji, a mi se borimo sa svojim neprijateljima do smrti. Tako izgleda kršćanska služba.


Rješavanje misterije stare rimske kuge

Crkveni zapisi iz trećeg stoljeća mogli bi pomoći u identificiranju bolesti koja je gotovo ubila carstvo.

Ciprijanova kuga, nazvana po čovjeku koji se 248. godine poslije Krista našao za biskupa u Kartagi, pogodila je u razdoblju povijesti kada se osnovne činjenice ponekad jedva znaju ili uopće ne znaju. Ipak, jedna činjenica s kojom se slažu gotovo svi naši izvori jest da je velika kuga definirala dob između 249. i 262. godine.

Natpisi, papirusi, arheološki ostaci i tekstualni izvori zajedno inzistiraju na visokim udjelima pandemije. U nedavnoj studiji uspio sam izbrojati najmanje sedam očevidaca i daljnjih šest neovisnih linija prijenosa, čije svjedočanstvo možemo pratiti do iskustva kuge.

Ovaj je članak prilagođen iz Harperove nedavne knjige.

Ono što, međutim, izrazito nedostaje, jest Galen. Glupa sreća iz prethodnog stoljeća da imamo velikog i plodnog liječnika koji će nas voditi je nestala. No, sada po prvi put imamo kršćansko svjedočanstvo. Crkva je doživjela nagli rast tijekom generiranja kuge, a smrtnost je ostavila dubok dojam u kršćanskom sjećanju. Poganski i kršćanski izvori ne samo da se međusobno potvrđuju. Njihov drugačiji ton i ton daju nam bogatiji osjećaj kuge nego što bismo to inače posjedovali.

Nedostatak medicinskog svjedoka poput Galena djelomično se nadoknađuje živopisnim prikazom bolesti u Ciprijanovoj propovijedi o smrtnosti. Propovjednik je nastojao utješiti publiku okruženu nedokučivom patnjom. Njegovim kršćanima nije bilo milosti.

"Bol u očima, napad groznice i bolest svih udova isti su među nama i među ostalima, sve dok dijelimo zajedničko meso ovog doba." Ciprijan je pokušao oplemeniti žrtve bolesti, uspoređujući njihovu snagu u boli i smrti s herojskom nepopustljivošću mučenika. Ciprijan je dočarao simptome svojim slušateljima.

To se navodi kao dokaz vjere: da se, kako se snaga tijela otapa, crijeva raspršuju u toku koji vatra koja započinje u najdubljim dubinama izgara u rane u grlu koje se crijeva tresu uz stalno povraćanje koje oči su zapaljene od siline krvi koja infekcijom smrtonosnog truljenja odsiječe stopala ili neke ekstremitete nekih osoba te kako slabost prevladava zbog neuspjeha i gubitaka tijela, hod je osakaćen ili je sluh blokiran ili je vid zaslijepljen.

Ciprijanov izvještaj ključan je za naše razumijevanje bolesti. Patologija je uključivala umor, krvavu stolicu, groznicu, lezije jednjaka, povraćanje, krvarenje u konjuktivi i tešku infekciju u ekstremitetima, gubitak sluha i sljepoću nakon toga. Ovaj zapis možemo nadopuniti izoliranijim i iskreno nesigurnijim natuknicama drugih svjedoka. Prema Ciprijanovom biografu, bolest je karakterizirana akutnim početkom: "nošenje iz dana u dan s naglim napadom bezbroj ljudi, svaki iz svoje kuće".

Tijek infekcije i bolesti bili su zastrašujući. Taj dojam potvrđuje još jedan sjevernoafrički očevidac, kršćanin nedaleko od ciprijanskog kruga, koji je inzistirao na čistoj nepoznatosti bolesti. „Zar ne viđamo obrede smrti svaki dan? Nismo li svjedoci čudnih oblika umiranja? Ne promatramo li katastrofe od neke dosad nepoznate vrste kuge koju su izazvale bijesne i dugotrajne bolesti? A masakr razorenih gradova? " On je ustvrdio da je kuga očito poticaj na mučeništvo, budući da su oni koji su umrli slavnom smrću pošteđeni "zajedničke sudbine drugih usred krvavog uništavanja razornih bolesti".

Ciprijanova kuga nije bila samo još jedan zaokret kroz periodični ciklus smrtnosti od epidemije. Bilo je to nešto kvalitativno novo - i evociranje njegovog "krvavog" uništenja možda nije prazna retorika, ako se podrazumijevaju simptomi hemoragije.

Bolest je bila egzotičnog podrijetla i kretala se s jugoistoka na sjeverozapad. Proširio se, tijekom dvije ili tri godine, iz Aleksandrije u druga velika obalna središta. Pandemija je pogodila nadaleko, u velikim i malim naseljima, duboko u unutrašnjost carstva. Činilo se "neobično neumoljivim". Preokrenuo je uobičajenu sezonalnost smrti u Rimskom Carstvu, koja je započela u jesen i prestala slijedećeg ljeta. Kuga je bila neselektivna koja se javila bez obzira na dob, spol ili mjesto stanovanja. Bolest je zahvatila "svaku kuću".

Jedan račun predvidljivo je okrivio "korumpirani zrak" koji se proširio po carstvu. No, druga kronična tradicija, koja seže do dobrog suvremenog povjesničara u Ateni, bilježi da se „bolest prenosila odjećom ili jednostavno vidom“. Opažanje je zapaženo u kulturi bez čak i rudimentarnog osjećaja klica, komentar odaje predteorijski osjećaj zaraze. Zabrinutost da bi se bolest mogla prenijeti odjećom ili vidom ukazuje na barem slabu svijest o zaraznom podrijetlu. I to bi samo moglo dodatno nagovijestiti da je bolest pogodila oči.

Drevni su ljudi gajili mnogo ekscentričnih predodžbi o moćima vida, među njima i da je bio taktilni, izbacujući protok čestica iz oka promatrača. Krvave oči Ciprijanovih žrtava mogle su predstavljati zastrašujuću sliku u kulturi u kojoj su oči imale moć pružiti ruku i dodirnuti je.

Broj smrtnih slučajeva bio je mračan. Imamo intrigantno specifičan izvještaj aleksandrijskog biskupa koji je tvrdio da:

U ovom ogromnom gradu više nema toliko velikog broja stanovnika, od male djece do onih u ekstremnim godinama, kao što je bio uzdržavanje onih koji su opisani kao hale starci. Što se tiče onih od 40 do 70 godina, oni su tada bili toliko brojni da njihov ukupan broj sada nije dosegnut, premda smo računali i registrirali da imamo pravo na javni omjer hrane svi od 14 do 80 godina, a sada se računaju oni koji izgledaju najmlađe kao jednaki po godinama najstarijim muškarcima naše ranije generacije.

Računanje implicira da se gradsko stanovništvo smanjilo za oko 62 posto (s otprilike 500.000 na 190.000). Ne moraju svi biti mrtvi od kuge. Neki su možda pobjegli u kaosu. I uvijek možemo posumnjati na pregrijanu retoriku. No, broj građana na javnoj doli za žitarice zadivljujuće je vjerodostojan detalj, a svi drugi svjedoci složili su se o razmjerima smrtnosti. Atenski povjesničar tvrdio je da je 5.000 umrlo svaki dan. Svjedok za svjedokom - dramatično, iako neprecizno - svjedočio je da je depopulacija uvijek nastavak kuge. "Ljudski je rod uništen pustošom kuge."

Ovi nasumični tragovi ne opremaju nas dobro za identifikaciju patogenog uzročnika ciprijanske kuge. No, raspon osumnjičenih koji mogu izazvati bolest ovog opsega nije velik, pa se neki mogući uzročnici gotovo sigurno mogu ekskulpirati.

Bubonska kuga ne odgovara patologiji, sezonalnosti ili dinamici na razini populacije. Kolera, tifus i ospice udaljene su mogućnosti, ali svaka od njih predstavlja nepremostive probleme. Boginje moraju biti ozbiljan kandidat. Dvogeneracijski zastoj između epizode pod Commodusom i Ciprijanove kuge znači da bi zapravo cijelo stanovništvo ponovno bilo osjetljivo. Hemoragijski oblik bolesti mogao bi također objasniti neke značajke koje je opisao Ciprijan.

No u svakom slučaju za male boginje je slabo. Sjevernoafrički autor tvrdio je da se radi o neviđenoj bolesti (iako je naravno upitno bi li se sjećao prethodnih epidemija malih boginja). Niti jedan od naših izvora ne opisuje osip po cijelom tijelu koji je karakteristična značajka velikih boginja. U crkvenoj povijesti Euzebija, napisanoj početkom četvrtog stoljeća, epidemija koja je više ličila na velike boginje opisana je 312–13. Godine. Euzebije je to nazvao "različitom bolešću" od Ciprijanove kuge i također je izrazito opisao pustularni osip. Egzotično podrijetlo događaja iz trećeg stoljeća, opet izvan Rimskog Carstva, ne upućuje na erupciju sada endemskog patogena. Konačno, trušni udovi i trajna oslabljenost ciprijanske kuge nisu prikladni za velike boginje. Nijedan od ovih tragova nije konačan, ali zajedno se suprotstavljaju identifikaciji malih boginja.

Svaka identifikacija mora biti vrlo spekulativna. Ponudili bismo dva kandidata na razmatranje. Prva je pandemijska gripa. Virus gripe odgovoran je za neke od najgorih pandemija u ljudskoj povijesti, uključujući i epidemiju "španjolske gripe" koja je odnijela oko 50 milijuna duša na kraju Prvog svjetskog rata. Nedostatak jasnih dokaza za gripu iz antičkog svijeta je zagonetno, jer je gripa stara i nedvojbeno nije bila stranac u starom svijetu. Gripa je vrlo zarazna akutna respiratorna bolest koja dolazi u mnogim oblicima. Većina vrsta je relativno blaga, uzrokujući poznate simptome slične prehladi. Druge rijetke vrste gripe su prijeteće.

Zoonotski oblici bolesti, osobito oni izvorni u divljih vodenih ptica, mogu biti patogeni za druge životinje, uključujući svinje, domaću živinu i ljude kada ti sojevi razviju sposobnost širenja izravno među ljudima, rezultati su katastrofalni. U prošlom stoljeću dogodila su se četiri globalna izbijanja, a ptičja gripa (koja uključuje neke strašne sojeve poput H5N1) i danas ostaje zastrašujuća prijetnja.

Patogene zoonozne influence opasno su smrtonosne. Izazivaju pregrijani imunološki odgovor koji je opasan kao i sama virusna upala pluća pa su mladi i zdravi paradoksalno izloženi riziku zbog jačine imunološkog odgovora. Nedostatak bilo kakvih respiratornih simptoma u izvještaju o ciprijanskoj kugi štrajk je protiv identifikacije. No, vrijedi pročitati neka zapažanja o pandemiji 1918. godine.

Krv koja se izlila iz nosa, ušiju, očnih duplji neke su žrtve ležale u agoniji u deliriju, odnijele su druge dok su živjele … Sluznice u nosu, ždrijelu i grlu bile su upaljene. Konjunktiva, nježna membrana koja oblaže kapke, postaje upaljena. Žrtve trpe glavobolju, bolove u tijelu, groznicu, često potpunu iscrpljenost, kašalj … Često bol, užasnu bol … Cijanozu … Zatim je došlo do krvi, krvi koja je tekla iz tijela. Da bi se vidjelo kako krv curi, a u nekim slučajevima i prska, iz nečijeg nosa, usta, čak i iz ušiju ili oko očiju, moralo se užasnuti … Od 5 do 15 posto svih hospitaliziranih muškaraca patilo je od epistaksije - krvarenja iz nosa.

Pandemijska gripa doista bi mogla objasniti zastrašujuće iskustvo ciprijanske kuge.

Zimska sezonalnost ciprijanske kuge ukazuje na klicu koja je uspijevala u bliskom međuljudskom kontaktu i izravnom prijenosu. Položaj Rimskog Carstva uzdizao je neke od glavnih puteva ptica selica, a intenzivan uzgoj svinja i domaćih ptica, poput kokoši i patki, doveo je Rimljane u opasnost. Klimatske smetnje mogu suptilno preusmjeriti migracijske putove divljih ptica močvarica, a snažne oscilacije AD 240 -ih mogle su pružiti ekološki poticaj nepoznatom zoonotskom patogenu da pronađe svoj put na novi teritorij. Gripa je mogući uzročnik kuge.

Druga i vjerojatnija identifikacija Ciprijanove kuge je virusna hemoragična groznica. Kuga se očitovala kao akutna bolest s gorućom groznicom i teškim gastrointestinalnim poremećajem, a njezini su simptomi uključivali krvarenje iz konjunktive, krvavu stolicu, lezije jednjaka i smrt tkiva u ekstremitetima. Ovi znakovi odgovaraju toku infekcije uzrokovane virusom koji izaziva fulminantnu hemoragijsku groznicu.

Virusne hemoragijske groznice zoonotske su bolesti uzrokovane raznim obiteljima RNA virusa. Flavivirusi uzrokuju bolesti poput žute groznice i denga groznice, koje imaju neku sličnost sa simptomima koje je opisao Ciprijan. No, flaviviruse šire komarci, a zemljopisni doseg, brzina širenja i zimska sezonalnost ciprijske kuge isključuju virus koji prenose komarci.

Brzina difuzije ukazuje na izravan prijenos s čovjeka na čovjeka. Uvjerenje da su briga za bolesne i rukovanje mrtvima ispunjeni opasnošću naglašava mogućnost širenja zaraze među ljudima. Čini se da samo jedna obitelj hemoragičnih virusa najbolje odgovara i patologiji i epidemiologiji ciprijanske kuge: filovirusi, čiji je najzloglasniji predstavnik virus ebole.

Filovirusi su stari milijunima godina. Ulomci njihovog genetskog materijala drevno su ugrađeni u genome sisavaca, a milijunima godina zarazili su šišmiše, insekte i glodavce. Ipak, filovirusi, poput virusa ebole i virusa Marburg, prepoznati su tek u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća tijekom niza malih epidemija. Epidemija ebole 2014. privukla je daljnju pozornost obitelji. Prirodni domaćin virusa ebole ostaje nepotvrđen, iako se sumnja na šišmiše. Virus ebole plijeni pozornost javnosti zbog svog užasnog kliničkog tijeka i ekstremne stope smrtnosti.

Da bi izazvao epidemiju, virus ebole mora prvo skočiti sa svoje vrste domaćina na čovjeka, što se vjerojatno događa kada ljudi dođu u kontakt sa zaraženim šišmišima ili majmunima. Nakon što se zaraze, nakon kratkog razdoblja inkubacije (u prosjeku četiri do 10 dana, ponekad i dulje), žrtve trpe intenzivnu groznicu i bolest koja istodobno ruši više sustava, uključujući zahvaćanje probavnog i krvožilnog sustava. Injekcija konjunktive i teški hemoragični simptomi mogli bi objasniti uznemirujuće izvještaje o Ciprijanu. Nekroza tkiva i trajno izobličenje udova mogli bi odražavati Ciprijanov opis ekstremiteta koji postaju truli i postaju nepovratno onesposobljeni.

Stope smrtnosti od slučaja, čak i uz suvremeno liječenje, groteskno su visoke: 50-70 posto. Smatra se da smrt obično nastupi između šestog i šesnaestog dana za koje se smatra da imaju preživjeli. Virus ebole prenosi se tjelesnim tekućinama, ali ne i zračnim kapljicama, lako se širi unutar kućanstava. Negovatelji su u posebnom riziku, a trupla su i dalje snažan izvor infekcije. Poštivanje tradicionalnih pogrebnih obreda bio je problematičan faktor rizika čak i u posljednjim epidemijama.

Retrospektivna dijagnoza iz bolnih izvještaja nemedicinskog osoblja tijekom gotovo 2.000 godina nikada neće ponuditi veliko povjerenje. No, hemoragični simptomi, šokirana osjetljivost i inzistiranje na novosti bolesti odgovaraju filovirusu. Uzročnik poput virusa ebole mogao bi se difundirati jednako brzo kao i ciprijanska kuga, ali je zbog oslanjanja na tjelesne tekućine za prijenos mogao pokazati sporo gorenje, "neobično neumoljivu" dinamiku koja je toliko pogodila suvremene promatrače. Opsjednutost smrtonosnim leševima u pandemiji u trećem stoljeću duboko pogađa, s obzirom na nedavna iskustva s virusom ebole. Neizvjesnost leži u našem dubokom neznanju o dubokoj povijesti patogena poput ebole koji nikada nisu postali endemi u ljudskoj populaciji.

Kao povjesničari, razumljivo je da se ne pridržavamo poznatih osumnjičenih. No, naša sve šira svijest o neprestanoj sili bolesti u nastajanju, na granici između ljudskog društva i divlje prirode, ukazuje na mjesto značajnih događaja u prošlosti, poput Ciprijanove kuge, uzrokovanih zoonotskim bolestima koje su nanijele pustoš, a zatim su se povukle svojim životinjskim domaćinima.

U vrijeme pojave Ciprijanove kuge 249. godine poslije Krista bilo je mnogo toga drugačijeg. Carinske zalihe rezervne energije bile su iscrpljene. Možda je ovaj mikrobni neprijatelj bio samo zlokobniji. U tom slučaju centar nije mogao izdržati. Mnogo je toga što mora ostati nesigurno u vezi s ciprijanskom kugom, ali ne i ovo: odmah nakon toga anarhija je oslobođena svijeta.


Površine novih dokaza o ciprijanskoj kugi “

Arheolozi su otkrili ostatke epidemije u Egiptu toliko strašne da je jedan antički pisac vjerovao da će svijetu doći kraj.

Radeći u pogrebnom kompleksu Harwa i Akhimenru na zapadnoj obali drevnog grada Tebe (današnji Luxor) u Egiptu, tim Talijanske arheološke misije u Luksoru (MAIL) pronašao je tijela prekrivena debelim slojem vapna ( povijesno se koristi kao dezinficijens). Istraživači su također pronašli tri peći u kojima se proizvodila vapno, kao i ogromnu vatru u kojoj su bili ljudski ostaci, gdje su mnoge žrtve kuge spaljene.

Ostaci keramike pronađeni u pećima omogućili su istraživačima da datiraju užasnu operaciju u treće stoljeće naše ere, vrijeme kada je niz epidemija koje su sada nazvane "ciprijanska kuga" poharao Rimsko carstvo, uključujući Egipat. Sveti Ciprijan bio je biskup u Kartagi (grad u Tunisu) koji je opisao kugu kao znak kraja svijeta. [Pogledajte fotografije ostataka žrtava kuge i web mjesto u Tebi]

NFTU: U “Životu i mukama svetog Ciprijana ” koji je napisao đakon sveti Poncije imamo pokretni izvještaj o pomoći svetog Ciprijana bolesnima i siromašnima, pravoslavcima, a ne:

9. Ipak, ako se čini dobro, dopustite mi da bacim pogled na ostalo. Poslije je izbila strašna pošast, a pretjerano uništavanje bolesti mržnje napalo je svaku kuću uzastopno od drhtavog pučanstva, iz dana u dan iznoseći bezbroj ljudi, svaki iz svoje kuće. Svi su drhtali, bježali, izbjegavali zarazu, bezobrazno razotkrivajući vlastite prijatelje, kao da se isključenjem osobe koja je zasigurno umrla od kuge može isključiti i samu smrt. U međuvremenu, po cijelom gradu, više nisu ležala tijela, već leševi mnogih, te su kontemplacijom o mnogo toga što bi zauzvrat bilo njihovo, zahtijevali samilost prolaznika. Nitko nije smatrao ništa osim njegovih okrutnih dobiti. Nitko nije zadrhtao od sjećanja na sličan događaj. Nitko drugome nije učinio ono što je sam želio doživjeti. U ovim okolnostima bilo bi pogrešno preći preko onoga što je učinio Kristov pontifikat, koji je po ljubaznoj naklonosti nadmašio svjetske pontifikate koliko i po istini o vjeri. Na ljudima okupljenim na jednom mjestu prije svega je pozvao na dobrobiti milosrđa, poučavajući primjerima iz božanskih pouka koliko dobrote dobročinstva imaju koristi od toga da zaslužuju dobro od Boga. Zatim se nakon toga pridružio da nema ničeg divnog u tome što njegujemo vlastiti narod samo uz potrebnu pažnju ljubavi, već da bi mogao postati savršen koji bi učinio nešto više od carinika ili neznabožaca, koji su, pobijedivši zlo dobrim, i vršeći milosrđe poput božanske milosti, volio je čak i svoje neprijatelje, koji bi se molili za spas onih koji ga progone, kako Gospodin opominje i opominje. Bog neprestano tjera svoje Sunce da izlazi i povremeno se tušira kako bi nahranio sjeme, iskazujući sve te dobrote ne samo svom narodu, već i vanzemaljcima. A ako se čovjek izjasni kao Božji sin, zašto ne oponaša primjer svoga Oca? Rekao je, postajemo mi odgovoriti na naše rođenje i ne priliči da oni koji su očito rođeni od Boga budu izrođeni, već da se širenje dobrog Oca treba dokazati u Njegovom potomstvu oponašanjem Njegove dobrote.

10. Izostavljam mnoge druge stvari, i, doista, mnoge važne, koje nužnost ograničenog prostora ne dopušta detaljno iscrpljivati ​​u produženom diskursu, a o kojima je dovoljno reći. No da su pogani mogli čuti te stvari dok su stajali pred govornicom, vjerojatno bi odmah povjerovali. Što bi onda trebao učiniti kršćanski narod, čije ime potječe od vjere? Tako se ministarstva stalno raspoređuju prema kvaliteti muškaraca i njihovom stupnju. Mnogi koji zbog tjeskobe siromaštva nisu mogli iskazati dobrotu bogatstva, očitovali su se više od bogatstva, čineći vlastitim radom uslugu skuplju od svih bogatstava. A pod takvim učiteljem, tko se ne bi potrudio da se nađe u nekom dijelu takvog rata, čime bi mogao ugoditi i Bogu Ocu, i Kristu Sucu, i za sada tako izvrsnom svećeniku? Tako je ono što je dobro učinjeno u liberalnosti preplavljenih djela za sve ljude, a ne samo za one koji su vjernici. Učinjeno je nešto više nego što je zabilježeno o neusporedivoj Tobijinoj dobrohotnosti. On mora oprostiti, i opet oprostiti, i često opraštati ili, da budemo iskreniji, mora s pravom priznati da, iako bi se moglo učiniti mnogo prije Krista, ipak bi se moglo učiniti nešto više nakon Krista, budući da je do njegovih vremena sva punina se pripisuje. Tobias je okupio one koje je kralj ubio i izbacio, samo iz njegove rase.

11. Progonstvo je uslijedilo nakon ovih radnji, tako dobrih i tako dobroćudnih. Jer bezbožnost uvijek čini ovaj povratak, da se bolje isplati lošijim. I ono što je svećenik odgovorio na ispitivanje prokonzula, postoje djela koja se odnose. U međuvremenu je isključen iz grada koji je učinio nešto dobro za gradsku sigurnost i onaj koji se trudio da oči živih ne bi trebale trpjeti strahote paklenog prebivališta, on, koji je, budan u satovi dobročinstva, pružali su - oh zlo! Bez priznate dobrote - da kad su svi napuštali pust izgled grada, siromašna država i napuštena zemlja ne bi smjeli shvatiti svoje brojne prognanike. No, neka svijet pogleda na ovo, što računa na progon kazne. Njima je njihova zemlja previše draga i imaju isto ime kao i njihovi roditelji, ali mi se gadimo čak i samih svojih roditelja ako bi nas uvjerili protiv Boga. Za njih je to teška kazna za kršćanine živjeti izvan vlastitog grada, cijeli ovaj svijet je jedan dom. Stoga, iako je bio protjeran na skriveno i tajno mjesto, ipak, povezan sa poslovima svoga Boga, ne može to smatrati prognanikom. Osim toga, iako iskreno služi Bogu, stranac je čak i u svom gradu. Jer dok ga kontinencija Duha Svetoga sputava u tjelesnim željama, on odbacuje razgovor bivšeg čovjeka, pa čak i među svojim sugrađanima, ili, gotovo bih rekao, među samim roditeljima njegova zemaljskog života, on je stranac. Osim toga, iako bi se ovo inače moglo činiti kao kazna, ipak u uzrocima i rečenicama ove vrste, koje trpimo zbog kušnje dokaza naše vrline, to nije kazna, jer je to slava. No, doista, pretpostavimo da nam progonstvo ne predstavlja kaznu, no svjedok vlastite savjesti ipak može posljednju i najgore zlo pripisati onima koji na nedužne mogu staviti ono što misle da je kazna. Neću sada opisivati ​​šarmantno mjesto i, za sada, prelazim na dodavanje svih mogućih užitaka. Zamislimo mjesto, prljavo u situaciji, bijednoga izgleda, bez zdrave vode, ugodnosti zelenila, susjedne obale, ali golemih šumovitih stijena između negostoljubivih čeljusti potpuno napuštene samoće, daleko u bespućima svijet. Takvo mjesto moglo bi nositi ime izgnanstva, da je tamo došao svećenik Božji Cyprian, iako je k njemu, da su službe ljudi htjele, bilo ptice, kao u slučaju Ilije, ili anđeli, kao u onom Daniela, bio bi služio. Makni se s uvjerenjem da bi najmanje od nas bilo što bilo što, sve dok se on zalaže za priznanje imena. Do sada je Božji pontifikat, koji je oduvijek bio hitan u milosrdnim djelima, do sada trebao pomoć u svemu tome.


Pogledajte povijest da biste saznali kako su kršćani reagirali (dobro i loše) na epidemije, kaže ugledni profesor Baylor

WACO, Texas (April 7, 2020) &ndash As COVID-19 has caused churches across the world to restrict in-person gatherings and completely change the way worship is approached, many are grappling with what Christian faith looks like right now.

Baylor University&rsquos Philip Jenkins, Ph.D., Distinguished Professor of History and co-director of the Program on Historical Studies of Religion in the Institute for Studies of Religion, led the recent webinar &ldquoEpidemics: How the Church Has Responded Throughout History&rdquo for a group made up mostly of self-described pastors from throughout the U.S., Canada and the U.K. Jenkins began the lecture by offering an unexpected word of encouragement.

&ldquoWe are almost returning to a historical normal for the Church. Through human history, plagues and diseases and epidemics have been an absolutely normal feature of life. For those of us who have grown up in the last hundred years, this was something that happened in other eras and in other places,&rdquo said Jenkins. &ldquoNormality has returned. The Church has to deal with what has historically been its normal situation.&rdquo

Jenkins went on to posit several questions related to the Church and epidemics. The following outlines those questions paired with Jenkins&rsquo answers, which relate a long history of Christian response to plague with what we are experiencing today.

Q: How has the Church responded throughout history to epidemics?

JENKINS: When the Bible looks at plagues and epidemics, it reflects a worldview that sees those as being directly imposed by God, commonly as a punishment. You can find many stories of this. For instance, in Numbers 25 you find the story of Phineas. The children of Israel have misbehaved. They've betrayed God's orders and God sends a plague to punish them. It's a very, very disturbing story in so many ways, but the idea was it was something that came from God.

All through history Christians have had to decide how to live with this. They know God sends plagues, so what do they do? But in a sense, they were normally much less concerned with thinking about those issues of causation as they were response. How did ordinary Christians, how did Christian clergy respond?

The worst thing that some communities, if they believed God was angry, would do is they would organize great communal gatherings to show public penance. In old times, Christians went out to assist patients personally, and now today we know that is the worst thing to do in cases demanding quarantine or isolation. Those are some of the most effective ways of spreading the disease. But others turned to scriptural resources and looked for different ways of expressing trust in hope. In so many cases, what they did not only preserved the church, but expanded it.

In the 250s Roman Empire, a time when Christianity was strictly forbidden, a deadly plague struck the empire. Out of that, Christians oddly took comfort. We have letters from some of the greatest Christian leaders of the time. What they wrote is still some of the most inspiring literature you will ever read about plague and pestilence.

Dionysius says, for us, this is a kind of festival. What he is not saying in that disturbing-sounding remark is that all the pagans are going to die. He's saying that pagans are going to die, Christians are going to die, but this gives us an opportunity to live up to the Gospel. A plague is a time of schooling, a time of education. He also says that this is virtually martyrdom. It is a kind of martyrdom. We are giving our lives for others. He says that Christians went out into plague and disease-stricken neighborhoods, they gave comfort and aid to sick people, although they knew very well that they were going to catch the disease themselves.

Other people, when they observed the Christians doing this, were very interested, were very impressed. That is one of the great moments of growth of the Christian Church.

Bishop Cyprian says, &ldquoWhat credit is it to us Christians if we just help Christians? Anyone can do that. We have to help not just the household of faith, but everyone.&rdquo These people had no capacity to heal something like the plague. What they had was the capacity to aid victims to make their last hours as easy as possible to bring them those consolations and comforts.

Q: What are some of the issues that Christian leaders had to face?

JENKINS: The Reformation occurred at a time of some absolutely horrible outbreaks of plague. Martin Luther, who had opinions about absolutely everything, wrote a wonderful essay, which still repays reading today, on whether it was legitimate for Christians to flee from the plague. The question seems strange, but what he was thinking was if plague is sent by God, who are we to resist it? Should we not just suffer and die and stay in place? And Luther, who was a very practical man, said, &ldquoAbsolutely not.&rdquo Christians through history have fled from danger. What he did say is that Christians have a duty to stay and help as best they can.

If you imagine living in a world where plagues and epidemics were so strong, as opposed to what we regard as this bizarre visitation, assume you thought this was normal, just think how that might reconstruct the way you view your life. There&rsquos a lot of literature on this. People made a point of saying, &lsquowe rely on things like strength, money, power, beauty. None of those will defend us. We have to rely on God.&rsquo That idea of reliance is so strong.

In England in 1665, plague breaks out. It hits a couple of big cities, but thankfully it does not spread far beyond those cities. In a small village called Eyam, there was a cloth merchant who orders samples from London. The cloth samples bring fleas, fleas bring plague and people start to die. And then the people in that village do something which earns them a place in the Christian story.

The village is absolutely divided on the middle between an Anglican, William Mompesson, who is their rector, and a Puritan minister called Thomas Stanley who agree on nothing. But Mompesson and Stanley agree that the plague is so dangerous that the people of the whole village must self-isolate, must cut themselves off from the rest of the world even at the cost of their own lives. Because if they flee, if they go to nearby great cities, then pretty soon the plague will spread through the rest of England and instead of a few hundred people dying, tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of people will die. Today we hear about self-isolation and social distancing and my thoughts always go back to that village, Eyam.

Q: We live in a world where we now know where plagues and epidemics come from and how to mitigate their spread. How do we understand something like this today? What are the resources we can use?

JENKINS: We, for many years, have lived in an age of comfort when we thought the world was constantly improving. Suddenly, we have to think about very basic realities. We have to rethink so many of our assumptions about the foundations of our society, our faith, and we realize that so many of those evils are not things that happened in distant times and different places. They are happening here and now with us.

Perhaps one of the most influential texts that Christians have referred to is Psalm 91. I strongly recommend that you read it. It&rsquos about not being afraid of the pestilence that walks at night nor the arrow that flies by day. It&rsquos a song and hymn about confidence and trust. Whenever there has been a plague, Christians have turned to Psalm 91 because it represents a hope that they will survive, that they will manage to last as long as they can, that they will get through, their families will get though. But, there&rsquos always in those invocations a sense of realism.

The great Baptist leader Charles Spurgeon, in the 19th century, said that in a time of disease, of epidemic, of cholera, the greatest weapon that the Christian had was Psalm 91. Spurgeon was not unrealistic. He knew that good Christians died of plague, but he was saying if you wanted to find hope and comfort, if not in this world, then the world to come, where you found it was in something like Psalm 91.

As Dionysius said, I think an epidemic, a plague, can be and should be a schooling and there are many lessons. We will get so many of them wrong. But, can I stress this? There are such rich resources in the Christian tradition, and maybe now more than ever, we need to be looking at that Christian history. All ages are equidistant from eternity. We and Bishop Dionysius and the rector of Eyam all live in one age before God. What I am suggesting is that they have lessons for us.

How do Christians respond to plagues during the modern health care age, especially for people who want to respond as the early church did by being present with the sick, but also caring for themselves and their households?

JENKINS: I am anything but a medical professional. There is so much advice out there from expert authorities, from medical authorities, from the CDC, from government agencies on this and Christians need to follow that absolutely scrupulously. But, for example, they can be in communication with people who might be alone or isolated. They can find out about people who are in need and try to get them the resources they can while following absolutely all of those protections. It seems to me that Christians can be perfectly proactive in finding out about situations like that.

The point is we live in an age where we have these very educated, qualified, informed authorities who followed the divine light within them to produce all this knowledge. We obey that, but we can still be helpfully nosy, and there are still ways of getting safe items and products to people who need them. I think one of the greatest things is expressing concern.

ABOUT BAYLOR UNIVERSITY

Baylor University is a private Christian University and a nationally ranked research institution. The University provides a vibrant campus community for more than 18,000 students by blending interdisciplinary research with an international reputation for educational excellence and a faculty commitment to teaching and scholarship. Chartered in 1845 by the Republic of Texas through the efforts of Baptist pioneers, Baylor is the oldest continually operating University in Texas. Located in Waco, Baylor welcomes students from all 50 states and more than 90 countries to study a broad range of degrees among its 12 nationally recognized academic divisions.


The Plagues That Might Have Brought Down the Roman Empire

Bioarcheologists are getting better at measuring the toll of ancient pathogens.

What brought down the Roman Empire? By the end of his Pad i pad Rimskog Carstva, even the great historian Edward Gibbon was sick of the question. He noted that instead of speculating about the reasons for Rome’s long, slow collapse between (depending on whom you ask) the third and seventh centuries C.E., we should instead marvel that it lasted so long in the first place.

Still, something keeps historians fascinated by the fall of Rome. Proposed explanations include mass lead poisoning (mostly disproved) and moral decay (somewhat difficult to test). One hugely influential revisionist theory holds that Rome never fell at all—it simply transformed into something unrecognizable. In response to this “transformation” interpretation, historians have more recently insisted that late antiquity was characterized above all by violence, death, and economic collapse—an idea most aggressively championed in Bryan Ward-Perkins’ 2005 book, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization.

While we may never be able to pinpoint one reason for the death of the Roman Empire, historians are inching ever closer to understanding what life was like for its residents as their world crumbled. Two especially innovative papers published in the latest issue of the Časopis za rimsku arheologiju ask what role epidemic disease played in the twilight of the Roman Empire. The first, by University of Oklahoma historian Kyle Harper, addresses the so-called Plague of Cyprian in the middle of the turbulent 3rd century C.E. The other, written by Harper’s former professor Michael McCormick, a professor of medieval history at Harvard University, takes on the 6th-century C.E. Plague of Justinian.

In the case of the latter plague, we know the offending pathogen. In a blitz of research over the past decade, three teams of scientists have positively and independently identified DNA from Yersinia pestis—the same bacterium responsible for the Black Death—in skeletons known to date from the time of the Justinianic plague.

Ancient sources make the Justinianic plague sound positively apocalyptic. According to one account, the people of Constantinople—which was by that point the capital of the Eastern Roman, or Byzantine, Empire—died at such enormous rates that the emperor Justinian had to appoint a special officer in charge of coordinating the removal of corpses from the city’s streets. The unlucky appointee, whose name was Theodore, arranged to have the bodies carted across the Golden Horn to Galata, which is now an upscale Istanbul neighborhood. In a gruesomely vivid passage, eyewitness John of Ephesus describes the process.

“[Theodore] made very large pits, inside each of which 70,000 corpses were laid down. He thus appointed men there, who brought down corpses, sorted them and piled them up. They pressed them in rows on top of each other, in the same way as someone presses hay in a loft . Men and women were trodden down, and in the little space between them the young and infants were pressed down, trodden with the feet and trampled down like spoilt grapes.”

Despite the overwhelming numbers of corpses described in this and other textual sources, no ancient mass graves have yet been found by archaeologists in Galata or, indeed, in any other neighborhood of Istanbul. In fact, no burial pits containing anywhere near 70,000 skeletons have been found anywhere in the Mediterranean, whether dating to the 6th century or to any other period. Historians have good reason to be skeptical of any numbers mentioned in ancient texts, but there’s no doubt that the Justinianic plague claimed enormous numbers of victims across the Mediterranean. Where have all the corpses gone?

As McCormick points out, the incompleteness of archaeological excavations—and especially those in major cities, where obtaining permits and digging around modern infrastructure presents serious challenges—must contribute to the lack of known Justinianic “plague pits.” In fact, the one major Roman city of the 6th century that ima been thoroughly excavated, Jerusalem, has been found to contain several mass graves, three of which held over a hundred individual skeletons.

But even if such pits could be found, they wouldn’t account for the full scale of the Justinianic Plague. While cities tend to dominate the historical record due to their concentration of the rich and powerful, the ancient world was overwhelmingly agrarian.

Influenced by the archaeology of the Black Death in London, generations of archaeologists have assumed that mass mortality events go hand in hand with large, communal burials. A close examination of the textual sources reveals, however, that even in London plague pits were not employed until the city’s usual burial places were exhausted. It follows, then, that smaller settlements in the countryside may never have faced the same burial crises as large cities: The combination of more open space and fewer people would have meant that the majority of the population may never have had to change its burial practices.

One case described by McCormick illustrates and supports this hypothesis beautifully. While analyzing DNA taken from skeletons found in a seemingly unremarkable 6th-century cemetery in the German town of Aschheim, just outside of Munich, scientists were shocked to find that eight individuals’ bones contained traces of Y. pestis DNA. Genetic material degrades over time, so finding six separate, securely identifiable instances is, in fact, a huge deal: It’s likely that many more of the individuals buried in the cemetery were also victims of the Justinianic Plague.

Because the Aschheim cemetery served as the primary burial spot for residents of the small town before, during, and after the Justinianic Plague, the bones found within it are likely to reflect the actual population of the settlement with a high degree of accuracy. As a result, archaeologists can use the skeletal evidence to get a sense of the effect the plague had on this discrete population. The resulting model is shocking: based on cemetery data, “this small rural settlement will have lost a minimum of 35-53 percent of its population within the space of a few months” in 555 C.E., a loss from which it would never fully recover.

The Aschheim case proves that archaeologists should be looking for victims of the Justinianic Plague in any 6th-century settlement that was connected to the late Roman world, regardless of how small or far from Constantinople it is. The work involved will be enormous, but the data collected from this newly exploded pool of potential plague burials will begin to fill in the gaps in our understanding of how devastating the Justinianic Y. pestis outbreak really was.

By contrast, the microbe responsible for Harper’s chosen epidemic, the 3rd-century Plague of Cyprian, remains stubbornly unidentifiable despite various historians’ guesses ranging from smallpox to measles. Tissue taken from skeletons buried around the time of the epidemic in mass graves recently uncovered in Egypt and Rome will surely be analyzed thoroughly. The micro-bioarchaeological methods integral to McCormick’s research, however, seem unlikely to bear fruit for the Plague of Cyprian: relying on ancient descriptions of the disease, Harper argues that the epidemic was probably an outbreak of a viral hemorrhagic fever similar to Yellow Fever or Ebola.

To be sure, the frightening list of symptoms provided by Cyprian (the Carthaginian bishop and eyewitness for whom the plague is named) will sound familiar to anyone who followed the recent West African outbreak of the Ebola virus.

“As the strength of the body is dissolved, the bowels dissipate in a flow a fire that begins in the inmost depths burns up into wounds in the throat. the intestines are shaken with continuous vomiting . the eyes are set on fire from the force of the blood . as weakness prevails through the failures and losses of the bodies, the gait is crippled or the hearing is blocked or the vision is blinded . ”

Unlike bacteria, the majority of viruses—including the Arenaviruses, Flaviviridae, and Filoviruses responsible for viral hemorrhagic fevers—transmit their genetic information via RNA alone. The single strands of RNA are much more fragile than DNA’s double helix, and so are poorly equipped to survive the ravages of time.

Faced with the unlikelihood of genetic evidence, Harper relies on less high-tech methods to figure out how severe the Plague of Cyprian really was. Instead of bones, his evidence is a body of 23 textual sources—some contemporary with the plague and some written much later—that largely frame the epidemic in terms of religious polemic. Plagues in the Mediterranean antiquity, as in many other periods of history, were frequently understood to be supernatural as well as physical disasters. Because the 3rd century was a crucial time of growth and definition for the early Christian church, the Plague of Cyprian came to take on a deep spiritual meaning for pagan and Christian alike.

For Bishop Cyprian, the plague that came to bear his name was hard proof of the superiority of Christianity over traditional Roman religion. Seeing the pestilence as an opportunity to put their most deeply-held beliefs into action, early Christians beatifically set about caring for the sick and giving proper burials to the dead.

On the other side of the religious divide, the pagan establishment was overwhelmed with fear. Traditionally, Roman priests interpreted epidemics as a sign of displeasure from the gods. Evidence in the form of new iconography on coins and references to extraordinary state-organized sacrifices suggests that the Plague of Cyprian was no different. As Harper notes, sources agree that, “the epidemic undermined the social fabric of pagan society” while “the orderly response of the Christian community, especially in the burial of the dead, presented a stark contrast.”

The clearly biased language of both Christian and pagan sources has caused many scholars to discount them as religious propaganda—despite the fact that, if you strip away the pontification, the Christian and pagan accounts agree on all major points, most importantly how contagious, painful, and deadly the disease was. The tendency of some witnesses to slip into stock phrases taken from classic literary descriptions of plagues in Thucydides and Vergil has similarly worked to discredit the textual evidence—unfairly, as Harper argues, because quoting major cultural touchstones was an extremely common way of processing and even emphasizing the severity of shared trauma in antiquity. The disease, he concludes, was one of the nails in the Roman Empire’s coffin, and an important milestone in the growth of early Christianity.

Distinct as their methods are, Harper’s and McCormick’s articles both open up stunning, if gruesome, new vistas on the biological landscape of late antiquity. McCormick’s reevaluation of plague burials makes it clear that the Justinianic Plague spread far beyond major cities, reaching well into Europe’s hinterland—and that historians and archaeologists have likely severely underestimated of the scale and scope of ancient epidemics.

On the other hand, Harper’s careful reanalysis of religious screeds makes clear the necessity of revisiting old textual evidence to reconstruct plagues for which physical evidence is likely to remain elusive. What’s more, the spiritual nature of Harper’s texts reveals how genuinely terrifying the disease regime of late antiquity was. For early Christians, the devastation was something of an opportunity, but for adherents of Rome’s traditional religion, the waves of disease that unrelentingly crashed down on the Mediterranean world were nothing less than the end of the world.


The Modern Fight Against Infectious Diseases

There are many ways to narrate the modern fight against infectious diseases. You can read about it by sickness, by cure, by approach, by discovery–and still never run out of material. To simplify, let’s take a look at how our modern response to new diseases eventually developed.

Quarantine

In the 1100s, 1104 to 1110 CE, the Black Death (plague) is first thought to have hit Europe. At that time, Europe had only just begun building lepers’ hospitals to keep them away from society. The thought of isolating victims of any other kind of disease, to keep it from spreading, had not reached medical or public knowledge. As a result, 90% of the European population was lost to the plague.

In the 1300s, the Black Death (bubonic plague) came back to Europe with a vengeance, through trade ships in the Mediterranean to Italy. While it spread quickly and took many lives, people recognized that contact with infected people and items made it easier for them to contract the same disease. The first attempt to isolate those with the disease came when ports started to deny entry to ships they suspected of coming from places where the disease was already spreading.

They imposed a period of 30 days of isolation, extending it later to 40 (for mainly socio-religious reasons). Forty, quarante, is why it’s called a quarantine. As the plague victims literally piled up, they buried the bodies in mass graves far away from the city, also to contain the disease. Eventually, victims and their caregivers were placed in houses outside the city. The authorities even went so far as to seal up some houses with the plague inside before it could spread.

Those were the first attempts to isolate those with diseases so it would not spread. Today, it is one of the first responses when a new, fast-spreading virus is identified in a geographic location.

Prijenos

After the Europeans recognized the need for quarantine and that it actually worked, the next logical step was understanding how a disease spreads.

Girolamo Fracastoro, who lived in the 1450s to the 1550s, was born in Verona, Italy. (Yes, the same setting as Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet.) He was working as a physician when the syphilis plague broke out from the 1490s to the 1500s. In fact, his poem called “Syphilis or the Gallic Disease” was what gave that plague its name. All they knew was that it was a sexually transmitted disease, and that sailors were most likely to spread it.

As he studied syphilis and other diseases, Fracastoro was the first to suggest that diseases actually had “seeds” that would grow in a host and affect them, causing the disease. Not only that, like a flowering tree, it would spread seeds to others as well. He proposed three means of disease transmission that are familiar to us: person-to-person transmission, transmission through infected items, and airborne transmission.

While it would take 300 years for his theories to make a difference, it was a crucial turning point in containing and limiting the spread of disease through isolation or destruction of contaminated items.

Diferencijacija

Even if the medical world was starting to realize that diseases had “seeds,” they were still very much bound by generalizations about diseases. In other words, they treated all diseases alike. It was only in the 1600s to the 1700s that some scientists and researchers realized that different signs and symptoms meant different diseases. If the diseases could be differentiated, they could be individually studied for uzroci. When causes of disease were learned, it would greatly help in finding cures.

Thomas Sydenham, who was a British practicing physician in the 1600s, is known for a cool head when it came to medical theories. If a fever or sickness could run its course without killing the victim (to his knowledge), he would let it. As a result, his observations on how different kinds of “fever” affected the victims became a basis for differentiating diseases from one another. He was one of those to identify scarlet fever, which tended to cause epidemics.

Giovanni Morgagni, an Italian physician who lived from the late 1600s to 1700s, furthered the understanding of differentiating one disease from another. Despite his closeness to the Roman Catholic Church, Morgagni was intent on discovering more about what science could reveal about sicknesses. His specialty was anatomy, the human body, and his experience showed him firsthand how different diseases affected the body differently.

It may seem straightforward to us today, but at the time, identifying what made one disease different from another was a breakthrough. Theories of how to treat diseases were leaving the speculative and entering the scientific.

Immunization

In the late 1700s, Edward Jenner realized that those who got the milder, rarely-fatal cowpox were unaffected by the smallpox epidemics that swept back and forth across Europe. To demonstrate his theory, he infected a boy with the cowpox and showed how he became immune to smallpox. It took a while for the idea to catch on, but Europe eventually became fully inoculated with smallpox. This knowledge grew up between the ability to differentiate diseases, and the later full germ theory of infection Louis Pasteur proposed.

Podrijetlo

The medical world now knew that quarantine or isolation would limit the spread of a disease, that there were several kinds of disease transmission, and that different diseases had different effects on the human body. Now it learned something else: the origin of diseases. Even though they discovered how infection “seeds” were transmitted, it was mainly basic theory. They did not yet know what, exactly, was being transmitted.

Although the microscope was invented in the late 1500s, it was only used to isolate causes of infection by the 1800s. Louis Pasteur, a familiar name, first used the microscope to study the origin of microorganisms. He discovered that it was microorganisms in milk that turned it sour over time. If microorganisms in milk would make it unfit to drink, what if microorganisms in human bodies made them sick in the same way?

As the 1900s entered, Robert Koch successfully isolated the bacteria of only one disease, anthrax. After gathering the bacteria from an infected host, he placed the bacteria into healthy mice and proved that they became infected by anthrax. More than that, the bacteria that grew in their infected blood was the same as what was first introduced into their bodies. Koch finally proved that diseases originated with microorganisms that infected human bodies.

They also finally discovered that different strains of bacteria could be related, and that one kind of bacteria could cause more than one disease. While disease strains could evolve and reappear, it would now be faster to identify the attack and how to treat it.


Naming and Interpretation

Cyprian (Latin: Thaschus Cæcilius Cyprianus c. 200 – September 14, 258 CE) was bishop of Carthage and a notable Early Christian writer, many of whose Latin works are extant. / Photo by ACBahn, Wikimedia Commons

Epidemija je dobila ime po Ciprijanu jer njegova vlastita zapažanja o bolesti uvelike čine osnovu za ono što će svijet saznati o krizi. U svom je djelu vrlo detaljno pisao o incidentu De Mortalitate (“On Mortality”). Sufferers experienced bouts of diarrhoea, continuous vomiting, fever, deafness, blindness, paralysis of their legs and feet, swollen throats and blood filled their eyes (conjunctival bleeding) while staining their mouths. More often than not, death resulted. The source of the terrible affliction was interpreted by pagans as a punishment from the gods. This was not an unusual interpretation from a pre-Christian or early Christian culture throughout the Mediterranean world which understood disease to be supernatural in origin. Later scholars and historians sought alternative explanations.


10 Pandemics in History That Brought Drastic Social & Economic Changes Globally

You would be shocked to read about these worst pandemics in history. These pandemics had an inevitable impact on the world.

It's been a month that everyone is sitting at home due to the Coronavirus pandemic. Though doctors are finding a way to cure this disease, they are recommending staying home and not going to crowded places as the best solution to prevent Coronavirus. It is not the only pandemic that killed thousands of people and has affected the human lifestyle.

History has recorded several pandemics that sickened millions of people around the globe. Let us read about the worst pandemics in history that ended up killing millions of people.

1. Flu Pandemic or Spanish Flu

Flu pandemic or Spanish Flu was caused by the H1N1 influenza A virus. It lasted for over a year from 1918 to 1919 and affected 500 million people worldwide. This Spanish Flu had killed more people in 24 weeks than HIV/AIDS killed in 24 years.

It was caused by a virus that got transmitted from person to person through respiratory secretions. The Flu pandemic occurred in three waves. The first appeared during World War I.

During this time, it spread through Western Europe and then to Poland. The third wave occurred in the winter and lasted till spring. It affected people who are 20-40 years old.

2. Plague of Athens: 430 B.C.

The Plague of Athens devastated the city-state of Athens during the second year of the Peloponnesian War. It killed over 100,000 people. It is believed that the Plague of Athens was similar to typhoid and smallpox.

The Greek historian Thucydides (460-400 B.C.) wrote that "people in good health were all of a sudden attacked by violent heats in the head, and redness and inflammation in the eyes, the inward parts, such as the throat or tongue, becoming bloody and emitting an unnatural and fetid breath" (translation by Richard Crawley from the book 'The History of the Peloponnesian War,' London Dent, 1914). Despite the epidemic, the war didn’t end and continued till 404 BC.

3. Plague of Justinian

The Plague of Justinian affected the Eastern Empire and mainly Constantinople and the entire Mediterranean Sea. It was believed that the Plague of Justinian was the deadliest pandemics in history and killed around 50-100 million people around the world.

In 2013, the researchers confirmed that the cause of this deadly plague was Yersinia pestis. It was the same bacteria that was responsible for Black Death. According to sources, the outbreak was carried by infected rats that arrived on grain ships that came from Egypt.

The number of deaths due to the Plague of Justinian is uncertain, but it is believed that it killed over 5000 people per day in Constantinople.

4. Influenza Pandemic or Asian Flu

It was a global pandemic of influenza A virus subtype H2N2 and killed over 1 million worldwide. A virus subtype H2N2 was the recombination of the human influenza virus and avian influenza.

It was first identified in East Asia in 1957 and then spread to other countries. It was the second-worst pandemic in the 20th century after the influenza pandemic in 1918-1919.

The individuals who got infected through this virus showed symptoms of fever and major complications like pneumonia. The vaccine was made to treat H2N2, and then it limited the spread. It has a low mortality rate but resulted in the deaths of millions of people.

5. Antonine Plague

The Antonine Plague, or also called the Plague of Galen, has claimed the life of Lucius Verus (co-emperor of Rome). It was first identified during the siege of Seleucia, and then it spread in the Roman army camp.

The army came into contact with merchants and locals there and fueled its spread. The plague killed a quarter of the individuals affected. It is believed that Antonie Plague killed nearly 2000 people per day and estimated to kill 5 million people.

Common symptoms associated with Antonine Plague were vomiting, fever, coughing, and inflammation. This might not be the majorly known Plague in Europe, but it was very close to crumbling the entire empire.

6. Great Plague of London: 1665-1666

The Great Plague of London lasted from 1655 to 1666 and killed over 100,000 people. It was caused by the Yersinia pestis bacterium and was transmitted through the infected rat. The plague affected the poor, as the rich people left the city by retiring to their country estates.

It majorly affected London but spread in other cities as well. The village of Eyam in Derbyshire was affected when the merchant brought a parcel of cloth sent from London. People there quarantined themselves to stop the spread of the disease. By the time the plague ended, it had killed 15% of the London population.

7. Third Cholera Pandemic

The third cholera pandemic was the worst pandemic that occurred in India that lasted until 1863. It had the highest fatalities in Europe, Asia, and North America. It spread from the Ganges River and then entered other areas.

John Snow, a popular British physician, worked on the cases of Cholera and then identified the cause of the disease. He identified that contaminated water was the reason for the transmission of this disease.

A combination of sanitation and hygiene and oral cholera vaccines were used to cure this disease. In 1854, over 23,000 people died in Britain alone due to cholera. After the pump handle was removed, the cases for cholera immediately declined.

8. Plague of Cyprian

The Plague of Cyprian is another worst pandemic in history that affected the Roman Empire from AD249 to 262. It first occurred in Ethiopia around the Easter of 250CE. It killed nearly 5000 people every day.

Symptoms experienced by the sufferers include blindness, swollen throats, paralysis, and blood-filled in the eyes. Based on the survey, it was found that the disease could be transmitted by direct or indirect contact.

The plague was named after the first known victim, the Christian bishop of Carthage. The locals fled to the country to prevent themselves from infection, but they spread the disease more. It started in Ethiopia and then spread through Egypt and northward.

9. The Black Death

The Black Death that affected Europe from 1348 to 1351 infected 200 millions of people worldwide. Several theories were published revealing the cause of the Black Death, but the popular opinion was that this deadly disease was caused by pockets of bad air. Some believed that Jewish people were responsible for black death. It was estimated that this disease wiped out nearly over half of Europe’s population.

It is thought to have originated in Asia and then spread to other continents. The plague ended through the implementation of quarantine. The unaffected people would remain in their homes and go out in emergency cases. It was the second plague pandemic recorded after the Plague of Justinian.

The Black Death devastated social, economic, and religious factors and affected European history. Symptoms of the disease include nausea and vomiting, headache, and pain in joints. Most victims died within a week after infection. Transmission occurs through fleas that consume infected animals and particularly wild rodents.

10. H1N1 Swine Flu Pandemic

It was caused by H1N1 that originated in Mexico and then spread to the entire world. It infected over a million people in the world and killed over 575,000 people. It majorly affected children and adults. It lasted for nearly 19 months.

The symptoms observed in people who were infected through this virus include fever, cold and cough, fatigue, runny nose, and joint pain. Pregnant women and people having diabetes and weakened immune systems were at more risk. The spread of the virus was thought to occur the same way that seasonal flu spreads.

It got transmitted from person to person through sneezing or contacting people with influenza. Not only it affected people, but animals like cats, dogs, and turkeys were infected through this virus. Initially, the vaccines created were not majorly available to people, so, the CDC recommended to provide medicines to pregnant women and babies who were under six months old.



Komentari:

  1. Jasper

    My seat is on the left and I have to sit there ... Hey, speaker, would you calm down and really think with your head :)

  2. Bradly

    Smiješan blog :)

  3. Eadig

    Šteta što sada ne mogu govoriti – žurim na posao. Ali bit ću pušten - svakako ću napisati da razmišljam o ovom pitanju.

  4. Lincoln

    Hvala na informaciji!

  5. Vugor

    Oprosti, ali mislim da je očito.

  6. Tim

    Tvoja ideja je veličanstvena



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